Palestine-Israel, Recent Palestinian Popular Resistance and its Israeli Support*- by Kobi Snitz 27/09/04

Palestinian resistance
Palestinian popular resistance is nothing new, yet in recent months it has reached a new level of development. The catalyst has been the confiscation of Palestinian land for the construction of the separation wall, the path of which stands to create enclaves containing tens of thousands of Palestinians. One of the leaders of the new type of resistance is Ayed Morar (Abu Ahmed) of Budrus, a small village close to the Green Line. Since November 2003 Budrus has been the model for what has come to be called the Third Intifada: Popular resistance to the wall by whole villages. According to Morar, there are several reasons why Budrus has been a model of organizing. Budrus is a small village with strong social and familial ties where the social and political leaders all know each other. So when it came time to organize a popular committee in Budrus, it happened quite naturally. Morar stresses that it was important that the popular committee include everyone: Religious leaders, members of Fatah, leaders of the mosque, school headmasters, leaders of the youth club and the civic council. Women's groups were particularly strong and vocal in demonstration in Budrus, unlike in some other villages.

In addition to the local committees, a council of 9 villages was formed to coordinate resistance among the villages. For various reasons, however, other villages where the wall was constructed did not put up an organized fight. According to Morar, the villages that did not resist were not as unified as Budrus and also did not know exactly how to go about actually resisting the wall.

> >>From the beginning of the demonstrations in Budrus on Nov 11*, 2003, the popular committee made a clear decision on three principles: To use only peaceful means in their struggle; to involve the entire village;and to seek international and Israeli support. The organizers were both morally committed to non-violence and also believed that it is the most effective way to struggle in this situation. Morar explained how it is easy for a handful of soldiers to disperse a crowd throwing stones from a distance but very difficult even for large groups of soldiers to control a disciplined crowd that approaches them. Morar's assessment is confirmed by Haaretz reporter Arnon Regular who describes "confused regular and reserve troops [facing Palestinian demonstrations], acting without a guiding hand in violation of regulations they do not know" [Haaretz April 14, 2004]. Commentator Amos Har'el commenting in the same issue on soldiers assigned to face demonstrations.
concludes that "it is not hard to guess which is the least favorite mission amongst soldiers in the central command region." In contrast, the army does not suffer from confusion or lack of guidance when it resorts to the use of violence, and according to Amos Har'el at least, Israeli soldiers prefer anything, including the use of violence, to confronting nonviolent demonstrations.

"At first it was very hard for us to get near the soldiers. With their history and their armor and weapons we were intimidated," says Morar, adding that "once we got past the fear, the soldiers were unable to control us and we were able to push the soldiers back a few times and stop the bulldozers." One key to maintaining unified and disciplined demonstrations in Budrus was that the leadership placed itself in front of the crowd and was always present. The level of coordination and trust was such that the people of Budrus were able to do one of the most difficult things in a demonstration, which is to walk away from a standoff without being hurt.
When they wished it, they would march up to the soldiers and hold their ground for an amount of time they decided on in advance and then turn back. In that way they gained a measure of control of the situation, and preserved their energies for days on which their goals were more ambitious.

As mentioned above, certain kinds of confrontations are easier than others for the army. Therefore, the army would try to escalate the situation into a confrontation between small groups of soldiers and a crowd throwing stones from a distance of 50-100 meters.
It is probably not the case that explicit orders are given to prevent peaceful demonstrations. Rather the soldiers on the ground are effectively given permission to use tear gas, shock grenades and rubber coated metal bullets at their discretion and given orders that make escalation inevitable.
After hours in the sun, performing a frustrating job they are not equipped or prepared for, soldiers act in the predictable way to make their job easier- they escalate the confrontation. The realization that the soldiers' job is difficult (if not impossible) does not remove their guilt. Soldiers do have the options of refusing to serve as thousands have done before them. However, the larger part of the blame belongs to the commanders who send soldiers on missions with predictable outcome and who set standards for conduct that allow soldiers to attack peaceful Palestinian demonstrations without fear of being disciplined. This is the sense in which it is army policy to prevent peaceful Palestinian resistance. As further evidence one can compare army procedures when dealing with settlers. In a recent example (May 17, 2004) no less than 1000 troops and police were used in the demolition of the single permanent structure in the Mitzpeh Yizhar outpost. With such huge numbers of troops, the need to escalate violence (to rubber coated metal bullets) in order to carry out orders does not exist. It goes without saying that the army would retreat before using live fire on settlers.

In the case of Palestinian demonstrations, violence would usually break out after the demonstration disperses. Usually soldiers would shoot rubber coated metal bullets, shock grenades and tear gas at the dispersing crowd.
Soldiers would sometimes even enter the village and chase people into houses. For their part, the young people of Budrus would respond with stone throwing. Morar emphasizes that the demonstrations were disciplined enough to prevent stone throwing but that demonstrations organizers should not be expected to be responsible for how the young people respond to army provocation after the demonstration is over. In addition, the army would often raid villages at night arresting those they suspect of stone throwing or political organizing. Once arrested Palestinians can be held indefinitely without trial.
Morar himself was arrested in this way and held for 10 days. Eventually, after the intervention of a member of the Knesset, Morar was released by a military judge who criticized the arrest in a rare move.

The price of resistance has been very high for Budrus and neighboring villages: Six dead and hundreds wounded. If the army succeeds in violently crashing this popular resistance it would escalate the level of violence in two ways. First by condemning thousands of Palestinians to life inside of open air jails and second by making non-violent resistance impossible. Army commanders and Israeli policy makers must know this and would welcome the escalation of violence for the reasons mentioned above. The higher the level of violence the simpler the confrontation is for the army. On the other hand, Ayed Morar and the other leaders of the Budrus resistance are striving in the opposite direction. As Morar says " We do not demonstrate against Jews, Israelis or even against soldiers. We demonstrate against the wall and the occupation. We have to act in a way that gives people a hope of freedom." That hope is both the strongest force against the escalation of violence and the strongest force of the popular resistance.

Israeli support
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Israeli resistance to the separation wall in the form of direct action and support for Palestinian demonstrations has been growing along with the construction of the wall. The group I am familiar with is best described as a spontaneous anarchist organization, which has operated under different names such as "Jews Against Ghettos" and "Anarchists Against the Wall."
Although the form of organization is anarchistic in the sense of no centralized power and direct participatory democracy, most participants probably do not consider themselves anarchists. While in practice being far from the anarchist ideal, the group does benefit from the main advantages of such an organization: highly motivated and creative participants and a resilience against political pressure or repression.
Since the end of 2003*, the group has been mostly active in supporting Palestinian demonstrations against the wall. The main aims are to reduce the threat of violence against Palestinian demonstrators and to increase media attention. It should be made clear that the roll of Israelis is that of support. The initiators and large majority of participants in the demonstrations are Palestinians, who are also the ones who suffer the brunt of the violence and repression.

Between January and May, demonstrations occurred practically daily and often in more than one village.

Israeli participation falls into two categories, weekdays and weekends. During the work week construction usually goes on and the border police and army are out in force to prevent the demonstration from getting near the bulldozers. In spite of the best efforts by organizers, almost every weekday demonstration ends with at least a few wounded Palestinians. As the Christian Science monitor reported, [May 6 2004], 262 people have been injured and 5 killed in Biddu alone.

Weekend demonstrations are relatively safe since on those days there usually is no work being done on the wall and therefore less army or border police will be present to protect the bulldozers. However Friday demonstrations are also attacked sometimes such as in Beitunia on April 16, 2004, when 17-year-old Hussein Mahmoud Hussein Awad was killed. Because of the constraints of work and school, and because of the increased risk, a relatively small number of Israelis participate in weekday demonstrations. The Friday demonstrations are quite successful in drawing Israeli participation. The most successful Friday demonstrations have been organized mostly by Taayush and have drawn hundreds of Israelis to Budrus.

One aspect of the demonstration which does not make it into the media coverage is the interaction with occupation forces. It is sometimes possible for Palestinians as well as internationals and Israelis to safely approach the soldiers and negotiate or debate with them. It is not expected that soldiers will be persuaded to immediately put down their guns and refuse to continue to serve in the army. The hope is that it will be harder for soldiers to open fire on people they have just talked to and that a residue of moral pressure will still settle in them. It should be added that while internationals and especially Israelis might have more access to soldiers, their interaction with occupation forces should be approached very carefully. In my experience, soldiers have been surprisingly open to discussion and frank about their dislike of what they say they must do. However, as Gadi Elgazi pointed out to me, some of that sentiment should be understood as an attempt by the soldiers to divide Israelis and Palestinians demonstrators. The danger is that any agreement or even familiarity between Israeli demonstrators and soldiers can cast doubt on the solidarity of Israeli demonstrators with Palestinians. Still, with the conscientious objector movement growing amongst Israeli soldiers it is important to keep repeating to soldiers that they can follow the thousands of others before them and refuse to serve in the occupied territories or refused to serve at all.

The first mentioned goal of Israeli participation in the demonstrations is the increase of safety. It is impossible to know exactly how much safety is provided by Israeli presence. However, according to a senior army officer who commands the region "there is no doubt that the introduction of Israelis into [demonstrations] changed the picture... the most significant thing to change when Israelis are around is the open fire regulations." [quoted in Haaretz weekend section April 16, 2004]

The second main goal of Israeli support of Palestinian demonstrations against the wall is to increase media attention to the popular struggle. There has, in fact, been much media attention but most of it centered on the shooting of an Israeli protester by the army in Mas'ha on Dec 26, 2003.
Much of the rest of the coverage was about the participation of Israelis and not about the demonstrations as such, let alone the cause of the demonstrations. Still even with such racist priorities in the press, the existence of principled Israeli opposition to the wall and its critique as a means for Palestinian dispossession are now well known in Israel-- something that was not true 6 months ago. The over attention to Israeli demonstrators is motivated in part by the Israeli press's familiarity with the Israeli propaganda device known as "shooting and crying". By this device, domestic criticism is used as evidence of the liberalism and ultimate benevolence of "the only democracy in the Middle East." Indeed, a receptive Haaretz readership always feels flattered by depoliticized depictions of the beautiful Israeli lefty.In this way, just as familiarity with soldiers, so can over-familiarity with the Israeli press can corrupt Israeli dissidents.

There are several obstacles to the organizing of Israeli support of Palestinian popular resistance. It is a reflection of deep racism that permeates Israeli society that even after the army shot several Israelis and very nearly killed one of them, many potential supporters have to overcome their fear of the Palestinians they would be supporting rather than fear of the army. For those who do come out and support the Palestinian struggle, the reception has been completely positive--almost overwhelmingly so. This type of refutation of Israeli racist assumptions (about the hostility of Palestinians to individual Israelis for example) is perceived as a novelty and thus is one reason for the amount of attention given to the demonstrations.

Another typical, obstacle to drawing more Israeli support for Palestinian popular resistance is the particular opinion received by those more sophisticated than us. It is the idea that political activism is generally futile. This idea is communicated with empathy in the form of "very good of you but do you think any of it makes a difference?" The almost universal prevalence of this idea generally reflects the anti-democratic tendencies in societies where people are governed by other people and is not unique to Israel. It is both personally convenient and convenient for governments when people believe that their roll is essentially as spectators. The fact that the belief in political impotence is a product of indoctrination and personal psychology is reflected in the fact that it is typical exactly for those who do have the most political power and as such are subject to the most indoctrination.

One more indication of the power of the myth of political impotence is that as soon as this myth is refuted, political action suddenly becomes very attractive. In this particular case, the relatively large amount of media attention, (in spite of it being mostly derogatory) did give the impression that these actions have an effect and consequently the interest in joining the actions increased dramatically.

As mentioned above, media attention has a corrupting effect. While it is essential, it is dangerous for political action to be directed by a quest for media attention. On the contrary, much of the work of resistance is the unglamorous tedious work of political organizing. In many ways organizing is harder, more important and more democratic than the work that can be done by small groups of people. The true of success of direct forms of resistance is success in organizing a growing number of people.

At this point Palestinian popular resistance is in need of more Israeli support. Given the effect that a relatively small group of activists has had, it seems possible to increase significantly the political and material cost of constructing the wall. This effort does not really require an intellectual contribution (if this term even makes sense) in the form of literary metaphors or marketing expertise. The Israeli support effort requires resources and an honest effort on the part of Israelis. It requires more people, more creativity, more money and more work.

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* Article written for a conference at the Van-leer intitute by Kobi Snitz
================================
* Ed. Note: The upsurge in the struggle on November 2003 followed an initial project started at the Spring at Mas'ha. It was a camp of Israeli anarchists and others joining in protest against the wall local villagers, and Internationals. When the construction of the fence forced them away they moved the camp to Dir Balut for a while. The first joint action which even lead to damage of the fence was in Zabuba.
See:
http://www.ainfos.ca/03/nov/ainfos00221.html
(en) Israel - Palestine, Tel Aviv - Zububa, Twenty meters of fence removed - in joint Israeli/Palestinian action

http://www.ainfos.ca/03/nov/ainfos00203.html
(en) Israeli anarchist group - One Struggle - initiated an internationalist action against the wall

Palesine-Israel, The struggle continue - Join demonstration In Budrus this Sunday! 26.9.04

Last Thursday the village was under curfew in order to prevent any kind of protest. the DCO told the villagers that they will not allow demos in Budrus "no matter what, no matter the results".This Sunday at 9:00 we will join the villagers to demonstrate against the stealing of their lands inspite of IDF promises and court decisions. it is very importent to be there and show solidarity.
call Raz:
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see also:
Palestine-Israel, Report of Anarchists Against the Wall (AAtW) about the last five days of resistance
http://ainfos.ca/04/sep/ainfos00429.html
See pictures at:
https://israel.indymedia.org/media/all/display/190/index.php
and
https://israel.indymedia.org/media/all/display/199/index.php

Israel-Palestine, Tel Aviv, Celebrating the release of the 5 refusnics aster two years in jail - the struggle goes on. 25/09/04

About four years ago - at the beginning of the second Intifada, an high-school refusniks initiative for total refusal of the compulsory 3 years service in the army was started by anarchist youth and others. This step was interwoven as an extreme with the refusniks spectrum. The wide spectrum include mainly people who evade reserve service and compulsory 3 years service on individualistic mode - mainly faking health and mental problems.
The political refusniks spectrum included mainly reservists whose refusal was selective - not to serve in the occupied territories. The second Intifada that started 4 years ago initiated a stronger wave of selective refusnics and a new wave of high-school refusnics.

At the beginning, the teens refusnics were few - mainly anarchists, and the army let them go after few repetitions of 3 weeks prison terms. At the beginning of the third year of the Intifada, the refusniks and teens political total refusing the compulsory service expanded to less marginal extremists and the army changed strategy - not letting the teen refusnics go after 100 or so days in jail.

The political refusniks 5 and a pacifist were in the focus of the struggle of refusing service, in spite of the objection to that step by the milder refusniks movement which is only the radical wing of Zionism.

Thursday evening, two days after the final release of the 5 refusnics, a big welcome reception with about 700 participants was arranged in Tel-Aviv, sponsored by the whole radical left - including the Anarchists Against The Wall.

Following is the leaflet distributed by the AATW at that happening.

WE MUST PUT DOWN THE WALL

Would you buy a used toaster from Dany Nave [the health minister] Would you buy a used car from Tsahi Hanegby [the suspended police minister] How come you buy from them and their friends (Aric, Bibi, Ehud, Limor [first names of the top ministers] and all other interested from any where up to the Likud [ruling party] central comity, disastrous plans, that will influence our life for many years?

IS IT THEM YOU TRUST THAT THE SOLUTION TO THIS PLACE IS FENCES, IS WALLS, IS APARTHEID ?

At the end of 2002 Israel government started to build a separation fence. The route decided on pass, mostly, deep in the Palestinian area, garbing thousands of acres of agriculture lands, separating between children and schools, between sick people and medical treatment, and between people and their relatives. The twisted route create Getos - enclaves that prevent normal connection between villages and the surrounding world. Thousands of fruit trees are uprooted to clear the way - trees that gave the main income to people (who were prevented from working in Israel). The government present the the route as just a security measure, but both the Israeli supreme court and the international court stated that the route is illegal, and harm in a serious way the life of the inhabitants. This rise the question: "was so harsh harming of the inhabitants was taken into the security considerations? is a person his resources were robed, his trees are uprooted, and his honor is tramped become less dangerous?"

So, if not security, what really hide behind the decision to build that kind of fence? The sad answer is TRANSFER. Not the kind in which people are forced on transport cars and taken away, but the quiet transfer - the one that making the life of people so unbearable that they were left with only two options: to get out or to explode.

At january 2004* the villagers have chosen a different option - nonviolent struggle against the fence, inspired by leaders like Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King. Men, women, children and old people, went out of the villages to try to block with their bodies the bulldozers, to prevent the destruction and robbery, accompanied by Israeli and international activists who arrived to stand at their side in solidarity, and to try to decrease the level of violence of the army. Not always was this helpful as usually the army responded with extreme violence, using batons, shock and tear gas grenades, and shooting of rubber coated bullets and even live ammunition.
Along the year, there were tens of demonstrations harshly suppressed, resulting with the killing of 6 demonstrators and the injury of hundreds. The media usually chose not to focus on what was happening and only the decision of supreme court stooped for a while the free stampede of the bulldozers.

These days, the work of building the fence is renewed with full speed, again in Palestinian area, with clear disregarding of the supreme courts verdicts. Now, it is no more possible to avert the eyes and to say - we did not know.

NOW IS THE TIME TO ACT.

STOP THE MADNESS! STOP THE FENCE!

---------------------------------
Come to Salon Mazal, Simta Almonit 3 Tel Aviv, Monday (already moved)
[20:00 27.9.04] to hear more.
Subscribe to the activist against the fence list:
againstwall-subscribe@lists.riseup.net
More derails on the fence: www.gader.org
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* [Ed. Note: after 8 months of joint struggles of small scale activities of the villagers, international volunteers and people involved with the Anarchists Against The Wall initiative]

Palestine-Israel, More on the action at Awwa - Thursday 24th September in my experience By Anarchis Against The Wall 25/09/04

Yesterday there was a big rally/party for the five refusers that got out of jail after two years. They where also released for good from the army. It was a really happy event with lots of performers and important people from around the world and Israel congratulating them for there release, people where dancing and there was great music but for me it was hard to enjoy the event.
I arrived to the event straight from the police station in Hebron after being arrested most of the day. The day started at five in the morning, we traveled to Biet Awwa a Palestinian village south west of Hebron. A lot of the land of the village is being destroyed and stolen for the building of the fence/wall.
We held a big march and started to walk towards the bulldozers. We where around one thousand people with included around 600 young girls in school inform.

Before we got close to the working site of tear gas was shot at us. I like many I was hit by it right away and we retreated a bit. By that point of course the shabab started to throw stones, many of the Palestinian organizers tried to stop the stone throwing so we could continue with the non-violent march but chaos brook out and then the soldiers started shooting rubber bullets (steel bullets covered with rubber to be exact). At this point the situation was getting really violent and both the shabab and the border police where out of control. A couple of Israelis and internationals including myself decided to walk forward and to try to speak the soldiers and police men. It was quiet scary but with the bullets flying by our ears but we managed to get close and yell at them that they are crazy and that they are shooting at unarmed people, at woman and young girls. It surprisingly worked for a few minutes and they put down there guns and also the stone throwing stopped. Then before I understood what was going on the soldiers charge at us and I was grabbed and arrested. I was taken to the jeeps handcuffed and sat in the sun for around five hours. It was very frustrating because I could not see what was going on but I heard gun shots and chanting, was choking on waves of tear gas and kept on seeing the soldiers coming back to the jeeps for more and more ammunition and tear gas. In the afternoon the soldiers managed to push the demonstrators back into the village and by then in was pretty much over. Over 100 people where hurt and over thirty people got hit by rubber covered bullets many in the upper part of there body. Myself and another Israeli anarchist was taken to the Hebron police station, where interrogated and yelled at but was basically treated nice.

Finally at around 7pm we where released on bail and signing that we will not go to the area for the next two weeks. We quickly traveled to Tel-Aviv to catch the end of the refusers rally.

I don’t know if charges will be filed, but I don’t think so. Anyway a video activist filmed me being arrested and it shows that I did not resist arrest and that I was just trying to talk to the soldiers and did not through any stones (something the interrogator claimed that I did) so I'm pretty much covered.

An anarchist against the Wall

from italy.indymedia

Palestine-Israel, Report of Anarchists Against the Wall (AAtW) about the last five days of resistance 24/09/04

Five days of struggle - the same repression a new day.

With the resumption of construction of the separation wall a familiar pattern repeats itself. Negotiation is not even attempted, and Israeli policy is set unilaterally by the army and government without consideration for Palestinians. At the same time, every attempt at protest and non-violent resistance is repressed violently. In addition to the criminality of this repression, by making negotiation and peaceful protest impossible the army and government contribute to the escalation of the conflict in a direct way.

In the course of the last five days (September 19-23) the occupation forces returned to their attempt to literally cement their existence on Palestinian lands. Naturally the residents of the effected villages resisted this attempt and we are with them. Our method and our aim, which we have declared and consciously acted on for the last two years, are popular non-violent struggle.

Beit Awwa and Sikka, Sunday Sept 19.

For the first time since the beginning bulldozers started wrecking in the village lands, about a week earlier, we headed for the bulldozers together with the residents of Beit Awwa and Sikka. In spite of violence directed at the march we managed to get to the machines. For about two hours we stood in their way and prevented the theft of the land. During that time the soldiers and the police tried to remove us using brutal violence, which caused a resident of Sikka to lose consciousness for about 15 minutes and three others to be wounded. When large amounts of reinforcements arrived we were forced to retreat.

Budrus, Monday September 20.

When the bulldozers entered the village lands after a few weeks ago, following a long struggle a compromise was reached by which the path of the wall will not be on Budrus land- the people of Budrus went to their lands. Men women and children sat on their lands and with their own bodies prevented the bulldozers from taking their lands. The army did not have sufficient forces and after several unsuccessful attempts to remove the demonstrators, the bulldozers left.

Budrus, Tuesday September 21.

At dawn we went to the land to stop the bulldozers but this time the army was waiting with many troops. In spite of that, together with the people of Budrus we managed to get pass the soldiers and to the land. After about two hours of work being halted an agreement was made with a representative of the army that the bulldozers will not work on Budrus land during that day and that we will leave the lands. When we began to leave, the border police attacked people with clubs, shock grenades, tear gas and rubber coated metal bullets in violation of the agreement reached. In spite of that, during the attack, a representative of the village attempted to continue negotiating with a representative from the army. Finally another agreement was reached by which we will return to the lands where we stood first and the army will retreat from the lands. When the representatives headed their own way a border police force attacked the village, again in violation of the agreement reached. The resistance to the invasion of the village continued to about 5 pm when the army left the village. Many were hurt during the confrontation amongst them 26 people injured by rubber coated metal bullets. Two Israeli protesters were arrested and released the next day by Adv. Gaby Lasky who represented them in front of a judge who restricted their access to the Budrus area for 14 days.

Budrus, Wednesday September 22.

About 500 villagers, together with Israelis and internationals were attacked by the army with rubber coated metal bullets and tear gas even before leaving the village and at great distance. In the first minutes of the demonstration five demonstrators were injured by rubber coated metal bullets. Two of them, a 12-year-old boy and a member of the popular committee against the wall were shot in the head. The attempt to reach the land lasted about two hours and in the end the army occupied the schoolhouse and another house. The shooting continued during the course of the day as well as wide use of tear gas, which was sometimes shot directly into homes. The occupation of the village, which was carried out while the soldiers shouted "Budrus is ours!" was not only humiliating, illegal and immoral but also caused a large number of injuries. 17 Of them were hurt by rubber coated metal bullets.

Beit Awwa and Budrus, Thursday September 23.

On our way to Beit Awwa we heard that a full curfew was declared in Budrus at 8 am, after the beginning of the school day, thus trapping the school children in school. The army occupied several buildings and besieged the school. The curfew was lifted only after it was dark.

In Beit Awwa, about 1000 demonstrators were gathered, amongst them about 600 women and girls. We headed towards Sikka where the bulldozers were working and at a distance of about a kilometer from the bulldozers we were attacked by the army without any warning. For about two hours the army used tear gas rubber coated metal bullets in one of the most extreme displays of violence used at a demonstrations in a long time. We managed to hold our ground and were reminded of the most difficult demonstrations in Dir Kaddis and Harbata when an Israeli demonstrator was hit very near his eye by a rubber coated metal bullet. The daily toll was 120 wounded, of them 35 from rubber coated metal bullets. 45 of the demonstrators were evacuated to hospital in Hebron because their condition was too severe for the village clinic. Many of the wounded were women and girls who took the lead in facing the army throughout the day. In addition, 2 Israeli demonstrators were arrested. They were later released on condition that they do not return to Beit Awwa for 14 days.

Unlike the occupation forces who are not interested in dialogue, the people of Beit Awwa declare again that they invite anyone who wished to come and meet with them.

The bullets which try to silence protest will not silence us. Neither will political persecution, the corrupt system of military orders and courts, police interrogation or live fire stop the struggle. We are in integral part of the struggle against the wall and the occupation and for true liberty for all living beings.

Palestine22/09/04-Israel, Media, Wednesday, The daily struggle against the WALL continue - in Budrus 22/09/04

Till noon, eighty demonstrators were already hurt. 50 by gas. 30 by bullets - including 6 in their heads. The direct action resumed at Budrus by villagers and Israeli Anarchists Against The Wall Tuesday as the works for building the WALL was resumed. Villagers reported that Israeli soldiers entered the village, and took hold of roofs of houses - firing from them gas grenades and rubber coated bullets. The army also occupied the village school and driven the student out.
==> See also the call for international solidarity day of anarchists all over the world on October 22 (en) Greece, Crete, Proposal for an international day of solidarity to the Palestinian struggle http://www.ainfos.ca/04

Palestine-Israel, Media, The daily truggle against the WALL continue - in Budrus - 21/09/04

Seven demonstrators and four soldiers and jandarms were injured. Three Israelis demonstrators were detained. The direct action at Budrus resumed when the works for building the WALL was resumed. Participated in the confrontation Budrus about 100 vilagers and some Israeli Anarchists Against The Wall who arrived inspite of the general strike in Israel, blocked the buldosers.
The back grownd is the sneaking effort to resume building on the village fields in spite the governpent decision to change the route following the international presure.

Agreement between representative of the vilagers and the occupation buoerecracy was arrived to that temporarily the work on the vilage fiels will be suspended. As a reveange, when the demonstrators started to disperse, The jandarms and soldiers assoulted them with ruber coated bullets and tear gas grenades.

The reporter presented Jonathan Polak as member of the "Anarchists Against The Wall{" and quoted his claim that the army enterd the vilage, fired shock and tear grenades even to the school premises.
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See also the call for international solidarity day of anarchists all over the world on October 22 (en) Greece, Crete, Proposal for an international day of solidarity to the Palestinian struggle http://www.ainfos.ca/04/aug/ainfos00059.html